In her seminal work The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein outlines a chilling narrative of how crises, whether economic or otherwise, have been ...
In her seminal work The Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein outlines a chilling narrative of how crises, whether economic or otherwise, have been exploited to impose pseudo and quasi-neoliberal policies that prioritise personal aggrandisement over the welfare of ordinary citizens. For Nigeria, a country endowed with vast natural resources but plagued by incurable kleptomaniacs aided and abated by inept and corrupt leadership, this doctrine is all too familiar. Klein’s analysis can be directly applied to the Nigerian context, where external powers and local elites have capitalised on moments of manufactured and engineered crisis to push through policies that have left the majority of Nigerians struggling while benefiting a few.
The journey of neoliberalism in Nigeria, marked by the infamous structural adjustment programs (SAPs), oil dependency, and the collaboration between foreign interests and the local elite, reflects the global trends Klein beams its searchlight on. Nigeria’s experience offers a sobering case study of how neoliberal policies, often imposed during moments of engineered and manufactured economic crisis, have exacerbated poverty, inequality, and dependence on foreign vulture capitalists parading as saviours
Nigeria’s history of economic exploitation dates back to its colonial era. Under British rule, the country’s economy was designed to serve the interests of the colonial power, with raw materials extracted for export and local industries deliberately underdeveloped. This model of economic domination persisted long after (in) dependence, as Nigeria struggled to break free from its colonial economic legacy of perpetual dependency and consumerism.
After independence in 1960, Nigeria, like many African nations, faced the daunting task of building a self-sufficient economy. However, rather than pursuing an independent economic trajectory, the postcolonial Nigerian elite often perpetuated the colonial model, collaborating with foreign powers to maintain a system of resource extraction, economic rent and wealth concentration. In this sense, as noted by scholars like Frantz Fanon, the Nigerian political and economic elite became a new class of "primitive bourgeoisie," benefiting from the country’s resources while leaving the majority of the population impoverished.
The 1980s were a pivotal decade for Nigeria’s economy, as the country found itself mired in debt due to the collapse of global oil prices and rampant mismanagement of public resources. In response, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank stepped in, offering loans in exchange for economic reforms that followed the neoliberal blueprint: privatization, deregulation, and cuts to government spending, the cumulative effect of which was and still is further decent to impoverishment of the citizens.
The present era of BAT regime in Nigeria is perhaps the clearest manifestation of Klein’s Shock Doctrine. Faced with an economic crisis, the Tinibu government goes on an overdrive in pursuit of policies that opened up its economy to vulture capitalist with insatiable quest for primitive accumulation while simulteneously making life unbearable to the common man. State-owned refineries have since been murdered in cold blood with the varcases remaining as some special purpose vehicle for a heist in the name of turnaround maintenance and whatnot.
For ordinary Nigerians, the impact of Tinibu’s economic reform was and still is devastating. With the cost of living skyrocketing and access to essential services dwindling, millions of people are being pushed further into poverty. As Klein argues in her book, these policies were not designed to benefit the local population but to transfer wealth and resources from the public sector to private interests, both foreign and domestic.
Nowhere is the impact of neoliberalism more visible in Nigeria than in the living standard of the Nigerian populace at present. Despite being one of the world’s largest haven of both human and material resources, the politicians manning the affairs of these countries have failed woefully in translating limitless resources into widespread prosperity. Instead, these resources have become an epitome of corruption, heist, and self aggrandisement.
It is rather ironical that an oil rich Nigeria with five (5) refiveries manned by endless list of engineers, economist and other sundry professions could refine a drop of crude oil for its citizenry for the past three decades or so. Yet, all operational expenses in terms of salaries and wages, overheads, and sundry utilities are still being stolen in the name of managing what never existed for managing.
For the Nigerian citizens, the situation represents a clear example of what Klein calls "disaster capitalism." The government, in collusion with foreign economic advisors, has used the insensitivities of the unpatriotic politicians in cahort with the public servants push forward policies that prioritize fuel importation and dubious subsidy regime over the overall interest of the nation and its citizens. Efforts by progressivel endengered specie of conscientious patriots demanding for accountability have been met with impunity with reckless abondon.
This dynamic is emblematic of the broader neoliberal agenda that Klein critiques: the exploitation of deliberately manufactured and engineered crisis to justify policies that serve the interests of vulture capitalists, often at the expense of the people most directly affected.
One of the most troubling aspects of Nigeria’s neoliberal experience is the role played by the politicians in perpetuating these policies. As Fanon predicted, Nigeria’s political and economic elites have often acted as facilitators of foreign economic domination, benefiting from the very policies that have left the majority of Nigerians in poverty.
During the SAP, pre and post subsidy era, for example, many Nigerian elites were able to acquire social, political and economic advantages beyond their wildest imagination, while ordinary citizens bore the brunt of the economic banditiry unleashed on the citizenry. The manipulation and personalisation of public institutions has largely benefited a small group of politically connected individuals, while social services have remained unreliable and unaffordable for most Nigerians. As at the time of writing this piece, the electricity national was reported to have collapsed thrice within a week. Such is a classical manifestation of crass incompetence.
This trend continues unabated, as the Tinibu regime embraces further neoliberal reforms, such as the regulation of the already deregulated Dangote refinery. These contradictions, while framed as necessary for economic growth, have always led to widespread frustration, as ordinary Nigerians see their cost of living rise without a corresponding increase in their quality of life. The series removal of never-ending fuel subsidies since the successful shutting down of the five Nigerian-owned refineries for instance, sparked massive demonstrations across the country, with many Nigerians feeling that the government was more concerned with appeasing the imperialists and lining their pockets than with addressing the citizens everyday struggles.
In light of Nigeria’s experience, it is clear that the neoliberal model has failed to deliver the prosperity and development promised by its proponents. Instead, it has deepened inequality, entrenched corruption, and left millions of Nigerians worse off. Klein’s Shock Doctrine provides a critical framework for understanding these dynamics, but it also suggests a way forward: resisting neoliberalism and reclaiming control over Nigeria’s economy.
For now, Nigeria’s experience serves as a cautionary tale of how external forces and internal elites can exploit moments of manufactured and engineered crisis to impose policies that enrich the few at the expense of many. The challenge, moving forward, is to resist these forces and chart a new course toward true economic independence and social justice.
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